The MWRN and the BMMA are hence engaged in both undoing 'Muslim women' as a category that represents passive victim-hood, and recreating this identity in a positive manner as a means of claiming power and space within the political sphere.
Groups such as Awaaz-e-Niswan (AeN), which spearheaded the formation of the MWRN, as well as the Women's Research Action Group (WRAG), which was part of the MWRN but is now aligned with the BMMA, were both founded between the late 1980s and early 1990s in Mumbai and were at least partially influenced during their foundational phases by the debates around Muslim Personal Laws that had been taking place since the mid-80s.
This was one of the main points of divergence between the MWRN and those that went on to form the BMMA.
The BMMA also includes a large number of individual members, 10,000 at the time in which fieldwork was being conducted, spread mainly across the states of Maharashtra, Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh.
Unlike the MWRN, which is tolerant but not celebratory of religion, the BMMA actively engages with Islamic texts as part of their strategy with the conviction that such an approach will lead to justice for women.
Members of the BMMA argue that as religion is intrinsic to the identities of the majority of Muslim women, it therefore must inform their vision and strategies.
These debates also continuously take place within and amongst the MWRN and the BMMA, with the MWRN leaning towards secular approaches and the BMMA opting for an 'Islamic feminist' approach.
This campaign, which attempts to insert protections for women within the marriage contract, was begun by advocates of Muslim women's rights during the early 1990s and was later picked up the MWRN and the BMMA.
It will strengthen manufacturers' competitive position in the UK and help make it the preferred purchase," BMMA
chief executive Philip Mobsby told The Grocer at a Press conference at Food and Drink Expo '94 at the NEC this week.