However, the union used these penalties to do further solidarity work, and CEIU members across the country contributed more than this amount to a Trail support fund.
But CEIU leaders' concern with frontline empowerment seems to be quite real, even if it is accompanied by some pretty clear expectations regarding the path a properly-developing political consciousness should take.
A brief CEIU presented on their behalf in 1987 said that: "most refugee claimants coming to Canada make manifestly unfounded claims," and described immigration work as "weed[ing] out the bogus claimants from the deserving ones.
Ongoing attempts to streamline refugee processing have, in fact, divided CEIU members from one another, as well as from their clients.
Such fissures have caused public embarrassment to CEIU leaders.
CEIU leaders regard coalitions as extensions of these kind of developmental efforts, since they expose members to people normally encountered only as workplace adversaries.
The CEIU, with some support from the coalition, has fought such moves, not least because of their unsavory association with patronage.
Unfortunately, the solidarity forged by the coalition was severely tested in 1994, when Immigration investigators (who are CEIU members) were blamed for failing to deport the main suspect in a Toronto police killing.
The CEIU, on behalf of 36 Toronto investigators, used the occasion to press their demands for more personnel, weapons, and police support.
However, it admitted that "the system failed," and confirmed many traditional CEIU complaints about staffing and workload, as did some internal audits unearthed by the Toronto Star.
86) Such revelations could hardly have enhanced relations between CEIU members and his constituency.
Tactically, it might be argued that the CEIU performed admirably in the summer of 1994.