The LPDL pamphlets had leapt upon the perceived bias against the working man in such legislation and sought to capitalize upon it in their publications.
Thus the organisational power of Wemyss through the LPDL was fully realised.
on occasions where commercial interests or classes were in question, libertarians could count on the organisational muscle of the LPDL and the numerous trade associations federated within it to muster serious political obstruction.
The scholarly attention which has been paid to the LPDL has concentrated on its role in fighting the regulation of trade and the rise of the labour movement in the 1890s.
The Canadian writer Grant Allen, who dubbed the LPDL "the Confiscation and Aristocracy Defence League," found fault with the League's views on property, arguing that real individualism was only possible when all individuals started on a level playing field.
Was Allen right to assert that the aristocratic origin of the LPDL was really privilege masked as individualism?
The list of federated associations within the LPDL and FLPA bears testament to his classical liberal credentials.
In contrast, State regulation of business and trade matters received such strong opposition because Wemyss was able to coordinate action with the numerous trade associations federated within the LPDL and later the FLPA and Employers' Parliamentary Council (EPC).
After the Liberal majority of 1906, the LPDL found it harder to influence Parliament.
One unintended legacy of the LPDL and FLPA came as a result of the successful campaign to counter the engineering strike of 1897.
When Wemyss died in 1914, just short of his ninety-sixth birthday, the running of the LPDL was left to the prolific author and editor of Liberty Review, Frederick Millar.
Furthermore, he was able to practically fight collectivism through the LPDL and its subsequent offshoots, the FLPA and the EPC.