96) The expulsion of Thakin Than Tun from the AFPFL
in July 1946 marked the collapse of the united front in Burma, which from the very beginning was an alliance of convenience between the communists and the non-communists.
won 173 out of 210 contested seats in the elections for the Constituent Assembly.
government under U Nu was highly fragmented with much infighting occurring over the issue of centre-periphery relations and the ideological character of the state.
La relacion con los britanicos y la forma como debia abordarse el proceso descolonizador que llevara a la independencia provocaron no pocas tensiones internas en la AFPFL
. Sin embargo, los no comunistas lograron moderar sus diferencias por el bien de la causa nacionalista.
d.), or San San Myint, 'Hpa Has Pa Lat Hkit Myanma Naingnganyei Thamaing 1948-1958' [Political History of Burma in the AFPFL
Era, 1948-1959] (MA diss.,Yangon Arts and Sciences University, 1979).
members held certain values in common, notably the desire for independence and a basic leftist agenda, there were deep divisions and the leadership found itself under pressure from its rivals, mostly to the extreme left, to force the pace.
Soon after independence, the leader of the leftist group, U Ko Ko Gyi, tried to build his power base by mobilising like-minded members of the AFPFL
into his group.
The Defunct NCUB's Draft Constitution Since 1992, the National Council of Union of Burma (NCUB), a Diaspora entity, composed of members of the National Democratic Front, Democratic Alliance of Burma, NLD (Liberated Area), and Members of Parliament Union, drafted the Future Constitution of the Federal Union of Burma and it clearly reveals that there were gigantic lacks of understanding on the federalism The NCUB draft constitution clearly omitted the essence of the Panglong Agreement, the Draft Constitution Approved by the AFPFL
National Convention, and the Federal Bill of 1961.The Myanmar ethnic nationals in the liberated have not shown any interest in drafting a Union of Burma Constitution for the Genuine (Federal) Union of Burma.
The negotiations between the AFPFL
, led by Aung San, who had emerged as the chief representative of Burmese nationalism, and the British over what form independence would take and how swiftly it would be achieved occupy the final third of the book.
The third principle is rather an adamant claim: "Recognition of Karen State must be complete." For those of us who have lived through and under the successive Burmese administrations - the AFPFL
(U Nu government), the BSPP (Ne Win regime), the SLORC (Sen.
The authors contend that this demand, which originated in the late 1920s and was reiterated in post-war years, contradicted the AFPFL
policy emphasizing the unity of all nationalities of the country in fighting against British imperialism, and was not backed by some AFPFL-affiliated Karen leaders and organizations.
History has recorded that the British had administered Burma in two distinct ways and agreement was reached between the British and the AFPFL
, the party leading the nationalist movement, that the areas covered by these two systems, Ministerial Burma (Burma Proper) and the Frontier Areas or Excluded Areas, should be united (rather than withhold independence from the Frontier Areas).