These tensions are noted in some of the women's workshops where COSATU women made attempts to discuss their working relationship with the ANCWL as well as the campaign for the Women's Charter.
These differences were also observed within organisations that were predominantly black and represented working-class women, like the ANCWL and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP).
According to Omar, even women within the ANCWL failed to support COSATU on this issue, since most of them were full-time officials in the ANC and their positions within the organisation enabled them to fully concentrate on the WNC.
The ANCWL is often considered in the context of women's organisations and its ability to mobilise women but analysed in a limited way in relation to the success of women in the South African parliament, many of whom are members of the ANCWL.
The ANCWL was re-launched after the liberation struggle inside South Africa.
The ANCWL of the exile generation did not know how to mobilise grassroots to the same extent as the UDF, did not understand the broad coalition that was already built around the Women's National Coalition to fight for the inclusion of women in the transitional negotiation process.
At the time of its re-launching in South Africa the ANCWL was involved in two important issues - its relationship with the gender structures of the UDF and the position of the ANCWL within the ANC (Hassim 2006:121).
This point of view was to differentiate the ANCWL as merely a party auxiliary from an organisation that would fight for women's liberation.
The extent of the autonomy of the ANCWL from the ANC was clearly demonstrated with a demand for a 30 per cent quota for women on the National Executive.
While the ANCWL resisted the election of Winnie-Madikizela Mandela as president (in order not to assume the position of the Women's League as a wife's club) she was finally elected in 1993 and re-elected in 1997.
In subsequent years Thabo's Mbeki's presidency led to divisions among members of the ANC and also the ANCWL for various reasons, but the most important one was his denialist stance on HIV/Aids, preventing a greater roll out of anti-retrovirals to people living with HIV/Aids.
While strong party discipline may cause MPs to toe the party line, it is more so that strong party discipline hampers the ANCWL.