However, there is a tendency among Bamu to portray men as uniquely vulnerable to umai.
Jack Iauko, acknowledged by the police as a rainmaker and an expert on Bamu custom, (7) further developed these kinds of connections between umai, Sagalu, sexuality, and gender by linking them to HIV/AIDS.
For Bamu, then, Sagalu is associated with an enhanced desire for sexual contact, characterized as a feminine trait in this context, and with umai, a disease transmitted sexually (between men and women) or internally (for women).
Our material indicates that, while there is a continuing general approbation of ancestral patterns of mobility and sexuality exemplified in ancestral narratives that relate events still evident in the everyday environment of Gogodala and Bamu villagers, increasingly there is a new landscape of mobility and sexual connection that arose over the colonial period but which has become particularly evident in the last three decades.
The Bamu present a very different case to the Gogodala.
The recent synthesis of Sagalu's agency, women's sexuality, umai, and HIV/AIDS outlined above is also part of a longer historical process whereby Bamu women have, over the last century, been actively involved in prostitution as a means of acquiring valuables and money.
Among the Bamu themselves there is concern about recent transformations of their sexual practices.
Bamu sexual practices are removed and alienated from their true home in the daimo.
Given these kinds of debates over the power of custom, the dangers of mahi gabo, umai, and HIV/AIDS, and the movement of Bamu sexuality from an apparently restricted ritual practice to widely dispersed public prostitution, Sagalu's current legacy for the Bamu is part of this complex historical process of the moral evaluation and characterization of Bamu life by both others and Bamu themselves.
For Bamu this involves a significantly different set of sexual and social relationships to those outlined by Hammar in Daru in the 1990s.
While Bamu sexual practices have changed so too have their ideas about sexually active ancestors such as Sagalu.
We have proposed that substantial differences in understandings of AIDS may be related to differences in local political economy and have noted that Bamu and Gogodala differ in certain understandings and practices concerning marriage, sexuality, and gendered mobility.