13 1994, with the arrest of Al Awda and Al Hawali together with, according to the CDLR, 1,300 of their followers, in the city of Burayda, Qasim region.
These moves silenced the opposition to some extent, although the CDLR continued its activities from London despite being under heavy pressure.
Masaari was allowed to keep the CDLR name but, cut off from Fagih, who was the principal organizer and networker, he was officially declared bankrupt: after the split, the CDLR existed virtually in name only.
fills the gap in mixed part transport with CDLR
(chain-driven, live roller) conveyor design that offers five-ton capacity while still handling loads as short as 18".
The Saudi authorities promptly arrested the CDLR leaders, and the senior ulema issued a fatwa declaring the organization illegal.
Muhammad al-Masari, a Western-educated former physics lecturer at King Saud University who became the CDLR's London spokesman, courted the Western press and sought to convey the image of the CDLR as a human-rights organization and as enlightened reformers.
Alba fills the gap in mixed part transport with CDLR
(chain-driven, liver roller) conveyor design that offers five-ton capacity while still handling loads as short as 18".
See also "Declaration of the Founding of the Committee for the Defense of Legitimate Rights," CDLR Year Book 94-95 (London: CDLR, 1995), pp.
More recently, the case of the CDLR, as well as its offshoot group, are other examples of this phenomenon.
These documents do not even begin to decipher the complexities of this case, the myriad outside interferences that resulted in a split within the CDLR
and the long-term implications of dissidence in Saudi Arabia.
Fandy analyzes six opposition figures and movements: Sheikh Safar al-Hawaii and Salman al-Auda, two preachers whose sermons criticizing the Saudi regime have become widely known through distribution of cassette tapes; Muhammed al-Masaari and the Committee for the Defense of Legimate Rights (CDLR), based in London, which pioneered the use of "post-modern" communications (the fax machine and Internet) to get its message across to followers in the kingdom; Saad al-Faqih and the Movement for Islamic Reform in Arabia (MIRA), a split-off from the CDLR that is also based in London; Usama Bin Laden and the Advice and Reform Committee, the one opposition movement that is activist in nature; and Sheikh Hassan al-Saffar, spiritual leader of the Shia Reform Movement.
Each week, according to Saad al-Faqih, the CDLR faxes its newsletter to 600 distribution points in the kingdom and transmits the same information through e-mail and its World Wide Web home page, a form of communication that makes it virtually impossible for the Saudi authorities to control.