Over the past decade, researchers and policy-makers (Scott, 2009; Sylva, Melhuish, Sammons, Siraj-Blatchford & Taggart, 2004) have increasingly affirmed high-quality universal early childhood education and care (
ECEC) services as the best way to provide equitable
ECEC to all children.
For example, in
ECEC services, there is no formal recommendation at the national level for immigrant children's
ECEC (Tervola, 2015).
Evidently, a challenge remains for the government to institute a funding mechanism that would allow everyone much-needed opportunities for
ECEC services.
Recently, as a result of a joint effort by UNICEF and the aforementioned ministries, a new
ECEC policy framework has been developed that is relatively comprehensive.
The
ECEC data provide occupational labor cost estimates for the entire nation.
The Australian Government's Agenda for Early Childhood, for instance, ties integrated
ECEC provision to workforce participation and productivity:
We rank lowest in public expenditure on
ECEC services--0.
Countries with a universal approach to
ECEC reach a higher proportion of vulnerable children.
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ECEC, total C, and silt and clay content with a single layer neural network that consists of 2 hidden units.
This article explores the existing and potential impacts of privatisation and corporatisation of
ECEC in terms of how these constrain and are reshaping the vision and the practice of what is done for children in the prior-to-school sector.
Measures of compensation growth are sensitive to differences in method: Both the Employer Costs for Employee Compensation (
ECEC) and the Employment Cost Index (ECI) gauge the cost of labor; however, the ECI uses fixed weights to remove any cost changes related to labor reallocation across occupations and industries, whereas the
ECEC uses current employment weights.
With 65 percent of mothers with children under 6 in the work force, the need for universal
ECEC is critical.
