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Staff interactions--exchanges between EOVP personnel and the president's assistants--were carefully structured and planned for strategic effect.
As reflected by this e-mail diversion, Cheney's EOVP staffing represented a major commitment to national security policy.
The size of Cheney's EOVP staff, as well as its activities, were not matters the vice president wished to have publicly disclosed.
In at least one case, the secrecy practices of the EOVP seemingly resulted in a serious, if temporary, accountability issue.
In the view of another observer, it was thought to be doubtful that he left the EOVP stronger if only because "he ensured that future presidents will be cautious about the roles that their vice presidents are given." He did, nonetheless, change the character of the vice presidency by asserting that the EOVP was part of the presidential executive office, thereby establishing an immunity against congressional inquiries or complying with some accountability requirements mandated for the broader executive branch (Warshaw 2009, 240, 241).
That adjustment may affect the mission and resources of the EOVP. Will such considerations, however, have durability?
More lasting adjustments regarding the EOVP might be made by Congress through statutory policy.
Such a statutory charter for the EOVP would require compliance with a provision of the Administrative Procedure Act that each federal agency "separately state and currently publish in the Federal Register" such basic information as descriptions of its central organization; where, from whom, and how the public may obtain information about it; "statements of the general course and method by which its functions are channeled and determined"; and rules of procedure, substantive rules of general applicability, and statements of general policy (5 U.S.C.
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