Hence, the professed goal of foreign aid from EUSAC is to improve the human well-beings of the people of recipient countries.
For example, private-property rights of land have no meaning in some African pastoral and agrarian societies, and thus such EUSAC demand is another manifestation of a neocolonial arrogance to remake Africa for serving its own commercial and geo-political interests.
The contemporary view of donor countries and institutions is that Africa must undertake profound "structural reform", i.e., strict adoption of the EUSAC free-market economic model via the privatization of essentials services such as potable water supply which actually enriches foreign commercial corporations.
The wholesale adoption of the EUSAC free-market approach would result in the continued exploitation and re-enslavement of Africa.
And in view of the past history of EUSAC commercial and geo-political interest in Africa, it would not be surprising to find that bribery and coercion was deployed by EUSAC to induce various African states to join the program.
Failures that are not necessarily always the fault of African leadership, with few exceptions, but rather on a foreign aid policy for Africa based on the template to re-make Africa in the image of the EUSAC free-market market model as the social and cultural history of Africa is denigrated and ignored (Fanon, 1952).
Interestingly, foreign-aid promotion and administration have become a growth industry in EUSAC countries during the past few decades, with the participation of many self-serving musical entertainers and politicians, and thus, the termination of this growth industry may be very difficult to realize.
Perhaps natural justice could be served if the foreign aid in the form of cash, was recognized as reparation payments for centuries of wanton exploitation of African human and other resources by EUSAC interest.
And to fortify this argument, as of November, 2011, all EUSAC countries, without the exception of the Unites States of America, have ratified the Rome ICC Statute which provides no statute of limitation for war crimes and crimes against humanity.
But interestingly, we know that it somewhat unrealistic to expect the "colonial-9" countries to ever purposefully reduce their military expenditures considering that their military armament industry is an entrenched element of the national economy of many EUSAC countries (Smith, 2012).
Continuing economic exploitation perpetuated by EUSAC is a significant factor causing this form of corruption within communities in Africa, an economic practice is a continuation of centuries of EUSAC colonial policies, which have included bribery, coercion, murders, and thus, a practicable remedy for grand corruption.
Kwame Nkrumah (Ghana) and Lee Kuan Yew (Singapore) became political leaders in their respective country at about the same time with the ambition of building a new society freed from onerous British colonial rule, but in contrast, Nkrumah was undermined and finally deposed (with the connivance of EUSAC) because his "communistic" social justice agenda whereas Lee survived (and tolerated by EUSAC) to influence Singaporean politics to the present day because of his capitalistic free-market approach of nation-building, although the draconian measures to suppress political dissidents in both Ghana and Singapore were probably very similar, but in Ghana, "political will" and other economic means to reduce corruption never had a chance to take root.