Much like DSWS attempts to deal with FBOS, the Ugandan government may have seen faith-based organizations as valuable new allies, but HIV-prevention efforts suffered from these partners' very specific idea of what "reproductive health services" means.
Sadly, it's not just governments or development agencies that find themselves in the business of placating conservative FBOS at the expense of public health.
The result of these friendly relations, Jacobson says, was that partnering more indiscriminately with FBOS became a hallmark of the global AIDS movement.
An agency-wide UNAIDS survey revealed that the clear majority of its 112 worldwide offices already had strong relationships with faith-based groups, and with good reason, as FBOS are often the longest-serving and most trusted organizations on the ground in developing nations.
The outreach to those doing the marginalizing was intended, Karam says, to bring multiple groups together: existing faith-based partners that either publicly or privately supported the UN's human-rights agenda as well as FBOS opposed to that agenda, so that UNAIDS'S friends in religious communities could be mobilized to take on opponents.
Part of the identification process Karam described in finding out which FBOS are "friends" included separating religious rhetoric from FBOS' actions on the ground.
A recent New York Times op-ed by Nicholas Kristof sounded a similar note, praising FBOS like World Vision for expanding the evangelical agenda and deflecting criticism about their enduring sexual concerns by noting the quiet resistance of Catholic nuns and priests who distribute condoms to AIDS patients.
Among FBOS, there was a culture of open dissent to some aspects of religious dogma, with Catholic groups in Zambia secretly but widely distributing condoms.
Not all FBOS practice dissent silently, either against PEPFAR conditionality or the broader prohibitions of their faiths.
But he qualifies this by saying not just FBOS, but "the world has taken prevention off the table.