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Their challenges mounted when former farm workers displaced by the FTLRP were compelled to seek sanctuary in urban areas, compounding housing and socio-economic woes that were already out of control by the time of their arrival.
This is an outcome of the continued subdivision of land within these former colonial 'native reserves' creating viability challenges, in stark contrast to large scale commercial land holdings averaging 2 400 ha before the FTLRP (Moyo & Makumbe 2000).
Using the control group as a benchmark, the FTLRP effectively transferred massive net of wealth and power from a racial minority to the landless poor masses of peasants (Moyo, 2011a).
All forests governance arrangements deteriorated with implementation of the FTLRP from the year 2000 onwards.
With the improvement in the application of the governance principles and the resultant improvement in governance quality at independence in 1980 and thereafter, all forests' condition improved in tandem with these changes until the year 2000 when the government commenced the implementation of FTLRP. Fig.
Following the FTLRP, "the debate on land reform", became "polarized between a minority position that argues that the radical restructuring of agrarian capital has served as a progressive tendency that has opened up opportunities for black small scale farmers" versus "a majority position that insists that land redistribution has dramatically undercut agricultural production, thereby severely undermining food security for most Zimbabweans" (Southall 2011: 83-84).
On the basis of Zimbabwe's political and economic crisis following 2000, they portray the FTLRP as a disaster which destroyed the very foundations of Zimbabwe's economy.
The 2002 study that is the basis of this paper was a follow-up to an earlier study that took place in 1999, less than a year before Zimbabwe's controversial FTLRP. Both studies took place in the Angwa-Pote Basin of Mashonaland West Province (MWP), the 'agricultural capital' of Zimbabwe (see Map 1).
Less than a year after the 1999 study, the FTLRP, dubbed the Third Chimurenga by its proponents, was launched.
In the wake of the FTLRP MAMID (Ministry of Agriculture, Mechanization and Irrigation Development) made a deliberate effort to have 50% of extension workers as female as a way of encouraging female farmers to attend extension meetings and training workshops on agricultural business practices.
The implementation of the FTLRP took place within a political context marked by a harsh confrontation between the Zimbabwean government and Western donors.
Due to the FTLRP, Zimbabwe's relations with the West became strained, if not hostile.
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