For instance, in 1994 the Aceh broadsheet Serambi Indonesia carried a report under the heading 'GLNP Gift or Curse'.
The existence of GLNP, according to the Bupati, does not promise anything.
Higher officials then instructed their local forestry representatives to enforce regulations preventing habitat destruction within the GLNP. On this and other occasions former President Suharto and the Minister of Forestry intervened on behalf of LMU/YLI, demonstrating that the EU-sponsored agency enjoyed extraordinary support from patrons at the center.
But forest destruction and wood theft in the protection area continue to happen more and more.' (92) Finally, in August, now with instructions from the governor, ten sawmills operating around GLNP in Aceh Tenggara were shut down by district authorities.
Even though the land was included in GLNP, it lay in the 'bufferzone' area that the Bupati was happy to see opened.
During the 1970s, the villager had opened GLNP land across the Alas River from the Jambur Lak-Lak hamlets.
During the early 1990s the extent of logging and forest pioneering in the core area of GLNP had become too visible a reminder of the park's failure to enforce state regulations.
In the face of continuing colonisation of forest lands, during the 1990s state foresters attempted to impose stricter control over GLNP land zoned for biodiversity conservation.
As it turned out, forest farmers who had been resident in the enclaves for over twenty years -- before the area had formally become a part of GLNP in 1980 -- were also required to relocate.
Following this dispute, hamlet heads recognised that within the land classified as state forest, especially GLNP, they had no authority to grant land and were unwilling to take responsibility for villagers opening land there.
As the river constituted the GLNP boundary and these plots were in clear sight of a main provincial road, this represented an open challenge to the authority of GLNP officials.