(64) Even though he rejected the pleas of Rosenbloom and others who wished him to assume the leadership of the GZP, Silver pressed on in his work with GZP partners to present an alternative path for Israel's development.
They were also accused of adding fictitious names to lists of candidates for public housing to be built when they came to power--all to encourage, at all costs, support for the GZP. In this article, the Israeli establishment attempted to pull the rug out from under Silver and other American Zionists, who claimed that their Zionism was philanthropic but whose main desire was said to be the continued existence of the American Zionist movement, not strengthening Israel.
Kol linked Silver's Israeli and American activities, explaining that Silver had made a pact with the "right-wing" GZP and the right in general to foster cooperation with the American right; that is, the Republicans.
The GZP's Ha-boker called the treatment of Silver "shameful." It characterized Silver's dismissal from all official Zionist posts as a sign of the corruption that existed in Zionist parties throughout the world.
(81) In his opinion, the GZP should have been described as a center liberal party that supported a liberal social and economic policy.
Silver and Neumann made a special effort to blur the political cooperation between themselves and the GZP, and to cast their relationship to the party as having a solely ideological basis.
The activities of Silver's group and of its partners in Israel during the 1950s reveal intense involvement in the social and political life of the state through financial support, a system of social organizations, and ties to the GZP. Israel's establishment as a state and the dismissal of Silver and his adherents from all official Zionist activity in the early 1950s compelled those American Zionist who wished to play an influential role in Israeli society and to preserve the power of the Zionist movement after statehood, to seek new channels for their activity.
In their opinion, a coalition that included the religious parties but not the GZP would be disastrous for these goals.
As noted above, the GZP served as the central vehicle for American Zionist activity in Israel, but that situation depended on the GZP's willingness to pass on information to the United States from newspaper clippings and legislative proposals, to collaborate with Silver and Neumann in decision making, and to accept their advice.
The weakening of the Silver group paralleled the gradual weakening of the GZP in the Israeli political system during the 1950s, reflected in its inability to enter coalitions.
See also the English translation of the GZP demands during negotiations, Feb.
Regarding Silver's and Netimann's involvement in local elections and the significance that GZP members attributed to it, see Bernstein to Silver, Nov.