Despite the ICJB's ability to involve survivor groups as primary media agents in their conflict with media-savvy international organizations such as Greenpeace (see Mac Sheoin 2012; Gopal 2011), an ongoing challenge has been the issue of dealing with potentially rift-causing factors such as the media's tendency to create heroes from within the movement or to play certain movement actors against others.
Similarly, in 2007 a series of exposes by ICJB activists revealed collusion at the top levels of the Indian and US governments, pushed by Dow Chemicals.
This is precisely the contribution of Scandrett and Mukherjee (2011, 196), who aim to expand Zavestoski's analysis by pointing out that "the ICJB coalition of Bhopal-based groups and their international supporters represent only part of the Bhopal gas survivors' movement, which is divided between three or four rival campaigning groups." The local divisions in the movement, Scandrett and Mukherjee argue, although reflecting contentious historical and ideological disagreements, are not a source of weakness:
Our attempt here has been to employ the concept of politicized collective illness identity to illustrate what the ICJB, with its environmental justice discourse, has in common with the movement's organizations that employ class struggle and gender discourses.
Although neither network lasted past 1994, the International Coalition for Justice in Bhopal persisted; by 2000 it was revamped as the International Alliance for Justice in Bhopal, later becoming the International Campaign for Justice in Bhopal (ICJB).
The BMA is now an international member and supporter of the ICJB. Because of its participation in the Bhopal movement in the UK, and its work on the ground at the Sambhavna Clinic, the BMA became an embodiment of the strong ties of activism between Bhopal and other parts of the world.
Within this activist space, there turned out to be an opportunity for the ICJB and its supporters in the UK to further their case for justice.
The ICJB educated its supporters, through blog posts, website updates, and other media about this new connection between Dow Chemical and the Olympic Games.
Anti-Dow activism remained mostly led by the ICJB, which lobbied for the IOC to reconsider the sponsorship.
Although the BMA and ICJB are tightly networked, the ICJB campaigns across a larger spectrum of social justice issues, whereas the BMA focuses on medical needs.
Rather than focus on the actual disaster and lack of accountability from Union Carbide and Dow Chemical, the BMA, as did ICJB since discovery of legacy contamination at the disaster site in 1999, focused on the fact that there remained ongoing contamination in Bhopal that Dow Chemical had yet to clean up.