In this model, however, per capita income is positively related to both IED and IEnv, although the relationship diminishes somewhat in the IED model as income rises.
Interestingly, increased levels of racial diversity are negatively related to IEnv policy adoption.
This explanation, however, does not fit as neatly for IEnv policy.
Interest groups generally did not demonstrate a significant relationship with IEnv policy adoption.
Additionally, in the realm of IEnv, policies are more focused on information sharing and coordination.
Common pool resource (CPR) issues like IEnv policy, however, require a different analysis.
Interestingly, institutional capacity variables were not significant in the IEnv model either.
Although I would expect Ringquist's analysis to apply to IEnv policy, there are some differences between international and domestic environmental policy adoption process that may return somewhat varying results.
I expected a positive relationship between border states and IEnv and I was not disappointed.
The negative relationship between neighboring state adoption and IEnv policy adoption found in the model results bears this out.
First, the lack of any significant findings for either political institutions, or government institutional capacity, indicate that IED and IEnv policies do not fall within the exclusive purview of Democrats or Republicans, liberals or conservatives.
Finally, negative correlations between fiscal capacity and both IED and IEnv policy adoption demonstrate that the "discretionary" nature of these policies may be less relevant than in other domestic policy arenas.