The F0 values for Female Speaker 1, in a high tone context, support Whalen & Levitt's (1995) claim that vowel backness is not a factor in IF0, but that /u/ has a tendency to have a higher F0 than /i/.
In a high tone context,--ATR vowels have greater IF0 with the exception of Female Speaker 2 while in a low tone context, +ATR vowels have greater IF0 with the exception of Female Speaker 1.
F0 values were measured at each vowel's onset and 20, 40, 60, 80 and 100 msec after this onset in order to determine if IF0 was more prominent at certain points than others.
In this paper, we addressed the issue of intrinsic pitch in Igbo, bearing on the general claim that IF0 is a universal phonetic effect (cf.
However, the findings confirm the existence of IF0 in Igbo.