PATHs Michelle Folsom heads a ten-year office in Kenya, and oversees the organizations collaboration on this and other projects with MYWO
, and their work receives the support of the Kenyan government.
In an interview about MYWO while she was Chair, Kiano said, "Our aim as an organization is not to fight anybody and certainly not to fight men.
Kiano was careful to pacify men and the state while she built MYWO into the (rumored) largest women's development organization on the continent of Africa by expanding national membership and securing substantial amounts of material, technical, and financial assistance from foreign donors, the state, and local philantrophists.
She was the caretaker of MYWO for 3 years (1986 to 1989), during which time (in 1987) the state formally and officially affiliated MYWO, usurping its already precarious non-governmental autonomy.
It is the period of 1989 to 1999 which illustrates most directly MYWO as a force of alternative civil society, not only stifling gender equality but also forcefully arguing and acting against democratization, and attempting to block the cause of pro-democracy civil society.
She and others in MYWO leadership assisted the state in paying women off to declare their support for the one-party state and the Moi government.
Despite the dissaffiliation of MYWO from KANU, MYWO remains unofficially tied to KANU, and a pivotal actor in alternative civil society.
The cases of both MYWO in Kenya and DWM in Ghana do not bode well for the making of democratizing women's movements, much less democratizing feminist movements.
The MYWO as an organization is fractured between elected officials and lower-level professionals.
The MYWO emerges as a pawn, who, at least in recent history, has totally misrepresented itself to foreign donors as a grassroots NGO.
Aubrey's research makes it clear the MYWO was used by the patriarchal KANU regime as a means of keeping women's activity in the civic sphere contained and controllable.