* Obviously, NMFRs can change over time if fertility rates among unmarried women change.
Among Latinas, high NMFRs coexist with familial and cultural norms that support traditional marriage, early childbearing, large families, and strong family ties and intergenerational support.
A rise in NMFRs that began in the mid-20th century stalled in the late 1990s and early 2000s, when roughly one-third of all births in the United States were to unwed mothers.
(10,21) To decompose NMFRs for a population in any given year, we followed exactly the procedures described by Smith and colleagues.
The modest changes in NMFRs between 1994 and 2005, however, do not eliminate the possibility (even likelihood) that the mix of underlying demographic components has shifted over time or differs by racial or ethnic group.
As in the Latina analysis, decreases m the proportions married placed upward pressure on NMFRs (four and five percentage points for whites and blacks, respectively).
The observed NMFRs were roughly seven percentage points higher among native-born than among foreign-born Latinas over the 1994-2005 period (Figure 2).
Decreases in marital fertility over the 1994-2005 period placed upward pressure on NMFRs among women aged 15-44 (six percentage points for foreign-born women and three points for the native-born).
Native-born teenage Latinas exhibited higher NMFRs than their foreign-born counterparts (78% vs.
For example, NMFRs were much higher among katinas than among whites in both 1994 and 2005 (21- and 18-percentage-point differences, respectively).
The underlying demographic factors responsible for differences in NMFRs within the Latina population became more pronounced over time and differed by age.
NMFRs changed very little between 1994 and 2002, before increasing in recent years.