NWRONational Welfare Rights Organization
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NWRO failed to establish the right to a minimum income, but it won a series of legal decisions during the late 1960s and early 1970s that further broadened AFDC eligibility and significantly increased welfare rolls across the country.
During a NWRO sit-in, Senator Long referred to the protesting mothers as "brood mares" (qtd.
To the extent that they adopted larger frames for their welfare rights advocacy, the NWRO situated their work in terms of the ongoing and vibrant women's rights or civil rights movements rather than human rights efforts.
In contrast with the high-profile activism of the NWRO, many people were offended when welfare recipients possessed consumer goods.
While NWRO itself largely was outside of mainstream politics, its ideas were not, Kornbluh insists.
The conflict between women and men leaders within NWRO profoundly shaped the feminism of welfare rights activists.
You can read about NWRO in the splendid biography of George Wiley, A Passion for Equality, by Nick and Mary Lynn Kotz.
As Davis describes it, under Albert's direction the Center's work with the NWRO dwindled, and the Center acted aggressively to set and control the course of law reform litigation in the welfare area.
While the NWRO did not rely exclusively on a litigation strategy to accomplish these goals, anti-poverty lawyers working with the NWRO and similar client groups were forced to adopt a bold view of their roles on behalf of their clients.
In rejecting this relegation of women to motherwork, feminists in essence dismissed the citizenship claims that NWRO women derived from their life experience as mothers.
Over the 20 years since the demise of the NWRO in 1972 or 1973, there has been no strong political presence of poor women or their advocates in Washington, D.