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Analysis of recent political developments such as progress on the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact, the adoption of Ranked Choice Voting state-wide in Maine, and the 2018 Supreme Court gerrymandering cases add real-world relevance and applicability.
Thus, every state's contribution to the national popular vote margin is the popular vote margin in the state multiplied by the relative size of the state.
Under the National Popular Vote Compact, direct election could potentially be effected gradually by the decisions of individual states; by contrast, proportional allocation of electoral votes at the state level provides opportunities for partisan mischief if done on a piecemeal basis, (273) meaning that any reform would have to occur through constitutional amendment to avoid unfairly advantaging one party.
Hillary Clinton demonstrated the truth of this statement in 2016: She won the national popular vote, but only because she'd disproportionately relied on two states: New York and California.
The National Popular Vote bill would guarantee the Presidency to the candidate who receives the most popular votes in all 50 states and the District of Columbia....
It's called the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact.
presidents are chosen not by the national popular vote, but in the individual Electoral College contests in the 50 states and Washington D.C.
One peculiar result of this peculiar system is that a candidate can win a majority of the national popular vote but lose in the Electoral College, by losing narrowly in populous states and winning in some smaller states.
Why is The American Conservative running a three-page article praising the program of the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact ["Every State a Swing," March/April 2016], which would certainly result in the election of more Democratic presidents?
It is a description of a proposal to change the electoral college system, with a Proposed National Popular Vote agreement.
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