In Ontario, on the other hand, the Ministry of Education had swallowed occupational training, courtesy of Harris's downsizing efforts and the abolition of OTAB.
Where Ontarians saw nothing but a failed attempt with OTAB and were ready to try something else, Quebeckers cared a great deal about the potential for provincial autonomy in occupational training that the SQDM represented in their eyes.
Nevertheless, the Quebec consensus was the envy of Ontario civil servants, who felt that the OTAB experience had failed mainly because labour organizations and business representatives had divergent if hot contradictory agendas, even as they participated on the same provincial board.
Created respectively in 1992 and 1993, and abolished in 1996, the SQDM and OTAB were two provincial boards dealing with occupational training and attempting a partnership between the public and the private sector.
21) The problems that plagued OTAB are well documented by such authors as Wolfe, "Institutional Limits to Labour Market Reform in Ontario," in Sharpe and Haddow, Social Partnership For Training, and Klassen, "Organizational design and precarious values," CANADIAN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION.
More importantly, two other issues surrounding the birth of OTAB quickly soured relations among government, business, and labour.
Again, Klassen's focus in detailing the birth and death of OTAB is on the internal workings ofthe agency and its precarious values.
Labour is rightly concerned that training not be used by business as an excuse to impose greater "flexibility" on workers, a fact not lost on the Canadian Auto Workers who refused to participate in OTAB.
It is true, as Klassen asserts, that the failure of MSD and OTAB was partly a result of design flaws.