Rossolinski-Liebe not only provides Bandera's biography, focusing on his ideas and politics, but also examines the historical context of Ukrainian nationalism, in particular, of the OUN and the UPA.
Thus Rossoliriski-Liebe's authoritative discussion of the OUN and the UPA during the war may be the most important part of an important book.
The short-lived state also played a significant role in the evolution of the OUN (Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists).
Warsaw was concerned that hundreds of Ukrainians were illegally making their way from Poland to join the Carpathian Sich, the militia that the OUN had organized in the autonomous territory.
broke with the Nazis after they denied Ukraine independence, and finally ended up fighting the Soviet Union and both the army of communist Poland and the anticommunist Polish underground after the Germans were routed.
The political intrigues, intolerance, violent tactics, and opportunistic and dubious political alliances of extremist groups like the OUN would have a similar effect on his attitude to militant anti-Soviet refugees and immigrants who followed in their footsteps.
The sordid political intrigues and alliances, belligerent rhetoric, violent tactics, and increasingly pro-German sympathies of Skoropadsky's followers and the OUN struck Makohin and Kysilewsky as counterproductive.
Both Hillis and Kasianov emphasize that the rehabilitation of the OUN
and Bandera dates back to the Yushchenko regime (2005-10), which aligned itself with Galician nationalists and declared as national heroes several figures whom Jews, Poles, and Russians are inclined to regard as criminals (125, 152).
The UPA and the OUN underground killed Russian and easterner schoolteachers, priests, and political officials.
A Russian talk show broadcast in May 2014 on Rossiia 1, for example, showed horrifying pictures from the L'viv pogrom of July 1941, in which the OUN militia played a major role, and then cut immediately to scenes of the burning building in which 42 pro-Russian activists died in Odessa earlier that month.
2) In the 1930s, young OUN
activists desperately fought a national liberation struggle through bombings, sabotage, "expropriations," and assassinations of major Polish and Ukrainian political figures, Polish policemen, undercover agents, informants, and suspected Ukrainian "collaborators" in eastern Galicia and Volhynia, Ukrainian territory also annexed by Poland after World War I.
5) Finally, I argue that from its founding in 1929, the OUN
combined elements of fascism with radical nationalism and revolutionary ideas.