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The target dates for the distribution of the funds under the TRCT include: March 2018 for the 4Ps beneficiaries who already have a LandBank cash card estimated to be around 1.8 million beneficiaries; March 2018 for those who still do not have a LandBank cash card at around 2.6 million beneficiaries; April to May 2018 for social-pension beneficiaries with existing LandBank cash cards estimated at 400,000 beneficiaries; April to May 2018 for social-pension beneficiaries without LandBank cash cards at around 2.6 million beneficiaries; and August 2018 for NHTS-PR households at around 2.6 million.
For the second and third year of implementation of the TRCT, the unconditional cash grant will be raised to P300 per beneficiary per month, according to the DBM.
In this article we explore a number of critical questions about truth commissions, using Thailand's 2010-2012 TRCT and People's Information Center processes as a primary illustration.
We argue that ultimately the TRCT shared too many features of weak commissions, failed to gain the trust of key actors on different sides of the political divide, and appeared unwilling to confront the military directly over its role in the 2010 violence.
The TRCT was established by the Abhisit government in the aftermath of the April-May 2010 violence.
At the core of the TRCT was the Fact-Finding Committee, which aimed to produce a definitive account of the bloody events of April-May 2010.
The fact-finding subcommission of the TRCT, chaired by Somchai Homla-or, received information primarily from field reporters, low-ranking members of the military, medical professionals, and victims and relatives of victims from the 2010 protests, rather than from redshirt leaders--some of whom mistrusted both the commission and Somchai's own role in the fact-finding process.
Tyrell Haberkorn was critical of the way the TRCT worked, especially the commission's location in an inaccessible bureaucratic complex:
In addition to the issue of distance, although the TRCT presents itself as an independent agency, holding the hearings at the Government Complex means that those who attend the hearings, who may be survivors of state violence, must enter a state space in order to give testimony about the violence they experienced.
The very title of the TRCT was a source of controversy; while sounding rather similar to the South African TRC, the phrase "truth for reconciliation" suggested that the purpose of finding out truth was to achieve reconciliation.
The TRCT pushed the envelope much further than previous bodies, such as the Black May 1992 investigation committee on which Kanit had served; (11) or the 2005-2006 National Reconciliation Commission (NRC) set up to examine the conflict in the south of Thailand.
The official mandate of the TRCT addressed only Verdeja's points 1 and 5; points 2 and 4, with their emphasis on reconciliation, were technically beyond the TRCT's remit, as was the "naming and shaming" suggested in point 3.
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