(18.) According to Daryl Joji Maeda, the constituents of the TWLF
included the Black Student Union (BSU), the Latin American Student Organization (LASO), the Mexican American Student Confederation (MASC), the Asian American Political Alliance (AAPA), the Intercollegiate Chinese for Social Action (ISCA), and the Pilipino American Collegiate Endeavor (PACE).
Clearly, this announcement was not enough to squash student resistance and the TWLF demands expanded to include the implementation of a Third World College that would include four departments: Black Studies, Asian Studies, Chicano Studies, and Native American Studies.
They placed their Berkeley protest within the "nationwide struggle by young people to free themselves from the stifling power structure." Chanting "pigs off campus," the Berkeley TWLF had expanded to include students from other Bay Area colleges.
Six Full-Time Employment (FTE) positions should be assigned to the department and a committee of ten faculty, the Associate Student UC President, and a registered student who is a member of the TWLF would all have one vote (Rhodes 1969).
He wrote, "My strong impression during last year's fight over both Social Analysis 139X and the TWLF Strike is that the [Academic] Senate inner circle," unfortunately, is "far less willing than the Senate at large to experiment." Ethnic Studies, he explained, is a "new educational development" and the "climate in which it grows is important" (Duster 1969).
Bowker's decision was in violation of the TWLF 1969 agreement, "the chancellor did not seek participation from either faculty or student representatives, or members of the larger community who have been in support of the developing program of Afro-American studies" (Daily Californian, June 29, 1972).
In the tradition of the TWLF, students protested the move on campus.
The TWLF explicitly challenged the fundamental premises of California's Master Plan for Higher Education, which had been designed in 1960 to restrict admissions to San Francisco State College to "quality" students and to centralize power in the hands of 21 political and corporate leaders (Barlow and Shapiro, 1971).
Furthermore, as students, the TWLF did not have a defined class interest and instead attempted to represent the interests of low-income communities of color with whom they had established previous relationships through tutorials, social services, and other community-oriented programs.