Tobias also points out, and we agree, that UOM is a specific type of survey and is not suitable, for example, for recording cultural understandings or rules about resource use; people's knowledge about life cycles of animals and plants and ecological relationships between animals and their environments; or explanations of why resource use may have changed over time.
Because the results of UOM are most often used in Canada as the basis for legal land claims negotiations, Tobias highlights the importance of convincing the intended audience (which may be hostile or sceptical) of the credibility of the research.
Chapter one is a frank and powerful story from the Tsleil-Waututh Nation in British Columbia (authors: Chief Leah Wilson and Doug Aberley) about why they chose to use UOM and the benefits it has yielded their nation both at a personal level and collectively.
Chapter four is another highlight of the book showcasing numerous UOM maps provided by many Indigenous people and communities across Canada.
Informed by introductions to UOM methods, and buoyed by the community maps and the Tsleil-Waututh Nation's story, a reader continues on through Tobias' detailed chapters, which provide guidance to practitioners on the development and execution of the core components of UOM--including preparatory work, the completion of interviews and verification of data after interviews have been completed.
In the interest of ensuring 'best practice', Tobias consulted widely with other practitioners in the development of the book and included more than 300 quotes from UOM informant/ practitioners that are linked by reference number to relevant sections of the text.
Yet even unions not characterized by such internal practices such as the UOM or the local the bus drivers' union, the Union Tranviarios Automotor (UTA), were swept into the gathering working-class opposition to the regime and played leading roles in the May protests.
One particular source of worker discontent was the refusal of the Cordoban branch of the employers' association, the "Federacion Argentina de la Industria Metalurgica del Interior," to implement the abolition of the quitas zonales as pledged in the 1966 UOM collective bargaining agreement.
Like the SMATA, the Cordoban UOM under Alejo Simo was a young union in a young industry which initially needed to adopt militant tactics in order to be accepted as an interlocutor by reluctant employers and thus gain even a minimum of credibility among the workers.
On May 6, the Cordoban UOM called a twenty-four hour strike to protest the unresolved problem of the quitas zonales.
Representatives from the SMATA, UOM, UTA, and Luz y Fuerza, as well as from various student organizations, met on May 28 to plan the strategy for the strike.
As they moved though the Santa Isabel and Villa El Libertador neighborhoods, workers from the UOM, other IKA-Renault factories, students, and even common citizens began to join them, the column swelling to some 6,000 by the time it reached Velez Sarsfield avenue.