WNHs and the comparison countries from 1989 to 2014.
The slowdown in progress on cancer can be partially explained by smoking; the decline in lung cancer mortality slowed for male WNHs age 45-49 and 50-54 from 2000 to 2014, and the mortality rate increased for women age 45-49 between 2000 and 2010.
Of the nine census divisions, the hardest hit was East South Central (Alabama, Kentucky, Mississippi, and Tennessee), which saw mortality rates rise 1.6 percent a year on average for WNHs age 50-54, increasing from 552 to 720 deaths per 100,000 during this period.
Two-thirds of Nevadans live in and around Las Vegas, also known as "Sin City." Ranking states by their all-cause mortality rate for WNHs age 45-54, we find that Nevada ranked 9th highest among all states in 2014; Utah ranked 31st.
mortality rates for WNHs differ starkly by level of education.
For WNHs age 50-54, figure 11 compares deaths of despair for men and women with a high school degree or less (approximately 40 percent of this population during the period 1998-2015) with those with a bachelor's degree or more (32-35 percent).
Figure 12 presents levels and changes over time (1993-2015) in the percent of WNHs at each age between 35 and 74 who report themselves to be in "excellent" or "very good" health (on a 5-point scale that includes good, fair, or poor as options).
Figure 13 presents results for WNHs' reports of sciatic pain, for birth cohorts spaced by 10 years, separately for those with less than a four-year college degree (left panel), and those with a bachelor's degree or more (right panel).
After 1990, we can separate out Hispanics and look at WNHs, for whom the recent mortality experience was worse than for whites as a whole.
For WNHs, the story can be told, especially for those age 50-54 and for the difference between this group and the elderly, but we are left with no explanation for why blacks and Hispanics are doing so well, nor for the divergence in mortality between college and high school graduates, whose mortality rates are not just diverging but actually going in opposite directions.
Figure 20 shows the results for each birth cohort born between 1940 and 1988, for WNHs age 25-64, without a bachelor's degree.
What our data show is that the patterns of mortality and morbidity tor WNHs without a college degree move together over birth cohorts, and that they move in tandem with other social dysfunctions, including the decline of marriage, social isolation, and detachment from the labor force.